الدراسات العربية في تاميل نادو - الهند Arabic Studies in Tamil Nadu (India) الدكتور تاج الدين المناني المليباري
Thursday, October 29, 2009
Wednesday, October 28, 2009
Tuesday, October 27, 2009
Monday, October 26, 2009
BARADAN'S Comments on Election result
PRABHATH PATNAYIK'S Comments on Election Result
തിരുവനന്തപുരം: കേരളത്തില് ഇടതുമുന്നണിയുടെ തിരഞ്ഞെടുപ്പുതോല്വിക്ക് ആക്കം കൂട്ടിയത് പി. ഡി. പി ബന്ധവും എസ്. എന്. സി ലാവലിന് കേസ്സുമാണെന്ന് സംസ്ഥാന ആസൂത്രണ ബോര്ഡ് ഉപാധ്യക്ഷന് പ്രഭാത് പട്നായിക്. ഇന്റര്നാഷണല് ഡവലപ്മെന്റ് എക്കണോമിക്സ് അസോസിയേറ്റ്സിന്റെ വെബ്ബ് സൈറ്റില് പ്രസിദ്ധീകരിച്ച ലേഖനത്തിലാണ് പ്രഭാത് പട്നായിക് ഇക്കാര്യം സൂചിപ്പിക്കുന്നത്. അതോടൊപ്പം, ബംഗാളിലെ ഇടതുമുന്നണിയുടെ പരാജയത്തിന് കാരണം, കൃഷിഭൂമി പിടിച്ചെടുത്തുകൊണ്ടുള്ള വികസനനയമാണെന്നും അദ്ദേഹം കുറ്റപ്പെടുത്തുന്നു. 'ഇടതിനെക്കുറിച്ചുള്ള ചിന്തകള്' എന്ന ലേഖനത്തില്, കഴിഞ്ഞ തിരഞ്ഞെടുപ്പില് ഇടതുപക്ഷത്തിനേറ്റ പരാജയത്തിന് ആശയപരമായ കാരണങ്ങള് കണ്ടെത്തുകയാണ് ഇടതുബുദ്ധിജീവിയായ പ്രഭാത് പട്നായിക്.യു.പി.എക്കുള്ള പിന്തുണ പിന്വലിച്ചത് കാരണം ഇടത്തരക്കാരുടെ പിന്തുണ നഷ്ടപ്പെട്ടുവെന്ന് അദ്ദേഹം ചൂണ്ടിക്കാട്ടുന്നു. ഇടതിന്റെ സാമ്രാജ്യത്വ വിരുദ്ധ നിലപാടുകാരണം പിന്തുണ പിന്വലിക്കല് ഒഴിവാക്കാനാവാത്തതാണെന്നും പ്രഭാത് പട്നായിക് ചൂണ്ടിക്കാട്ടുന്നു. കേരളത്തില്, ഈ അകല്ച്ചക്ക് ആക്കം കൂട്ടിയത് പി. ഡി. പി ബന്ധവും എസ്. എന്. സി ലാവലിന് ഇടപാടുമാണെന്ന് പ്രഭാത്പട്നായിക് പറയുന്നു. പി. ഡി. പിയുമായുള്ള ഇടതിന്റെ ബന്ധം മതേതര വോട്ടര്മാര്ക്ക് അംഗീകരിക്കാന് കഴിയുമായിരുന്നില്ല. എസ്. എന്. സി ലാവലിന് ഇടപാടുമായി ബന്ധപ്പെട്ട് ഇടതുപക്ഷം സ്വീകരിച്ച നിലപാട് ഒട്ടും വിശ്വാസ്യതയില്ലാത്തതായിരുന്നുവെന്നും പ്രഭാത് പട്നായിക് കുറ്റപ്പെടുത്തുന്നു. പശ്ചിമബംഗാളില് ഇടതുപക്ഷ സര്ക്കാര് പിന്തുടര്ന്നത്, മറ്റ് സംസ്ഥാനങ്ങള് സ്വീകരിച്ച നവലിബറല് വികസന പാതയാണെന്ന് പ്രഭാത് പട്നായിക് ചൂണ്ടിക്കാട്ടി. ഈ വികസന നയത്തോടൊപ്പം 'മൂലധനത്തിന്റെ പ്രാകൃതമായ വര്ദ്ധനയും' കൂടിയുണ്ടായി. ഈ വര്ദ്ധനയുണ്ടായത്, കൃഷിഭൂമി പിടിച്ചെടുക്കലില് കൂടിയായിരുന്നു. ഈ നയം, പിന്നീട് മാറ്റിയെങ്കിലും, അടിസ്ഥാനവര്ഗത്തിന്റെ ഭാഗത്തുനിന്നുള്ള ആഘാതം വലുതായിരുന്നു. ഇടതുപക്ഷത്തിന്റെ വര്ഗ അടിത്തറ ഒലിച്ചു പോകുന്നതിന് ഇത് വഴിയൊരുക്കിയെന്ന് അദ്ദേഹം വിലയിരുത്തുന്നു. ഇടതിന് നഗരങ്ങളിലെ ഇടത്തരക്കാരുടെ മാത്രമല്ല, കൃഷിക്കാരുടെയും ഗ്രാമങ്ങളിലെ പാവപ്പെട്ടവരുടെയും വോട്ടുകള് നഷ്ടപ്പെടുകയാണുണ്ടായത്. നഗരങ്ങളിലെ ഇടത്തരക്കാര്, യു. പി. എയില് നിന്നകന്ന് നിന്നുള്ള, ഇടതിന്റെ സാമ്രാജ്യത്വ വിരുദ്ധതയെ അനുകൂലിച്ചില്ല. ഗ്രാമങ്ങളില്, ഇടതുപക്ഷത്തിന്റെ സാമ്രാജ്യത്വ വിരുദ്ധത പോരാത്തതാണ് കാരണമായത്. നവലിബറല്മാര്ഗത്തില് നിന്നു മാറി ഒരു ബദല് വികസന സമീപനം രൂപപ്പെടുത്താതെ, സാമ്രാജ്യത്വത്തിനെതിരെയുള്ള പ്രതിരോധം തുടരാന് കഴിയില്ലെന്ന് പ്രഭാത് പട്നായിക് ചൂണ്ടിക്കാട്ടുന്നു. നിക്ഷേപം കൊണ്ടുവരുന്നതിന് മുതലാളിക്ക് സബ്സിഡികളും മറ്റും വാഗ്ദാനം ചെയ്യുന്ന തരത്തിലുള്ള വികസന നയവും അതുവഴി, തൊഴിലാളികളുടെ വേതനം കുറയ്ക്കുകയും അവകാശങ്ങള് ഇല്ലാതാക്കുകയും സുരക്ഷ നഷ്ടപ്പെടുത്തുകയും ചെയ്യുന്നതും ഇടതിന്റെ അജണ്ടയാകാന് പാടില്ല-അദ്ദേഹം പറഞ്ഞു. |
Comment of Prabhat Patanyik in the Assembly
ARABIC IN TAMIL NADU
ARABIC IN TAMIL NADU
By Thajudeen.A.S
Tentative Chapterisation
Introduction In the introduction I would give a brief history of Arabic, Arabs and Muslims in Tamil Nadu from arrival of Arabs till the 20th century and major works done in Arabic all through the ages in general.
Chapter – I Arabic language in Tamil Nadu.
Chapter – II Arabic Institutions of Tamil Nadu and its role in promotion of Arabic language.
Chapter –III Scholars of Arabic language of Tamil Nadu in the 19
th and 20th centuries and their contributions to the promotion of Arabic studies.
Chapter – IV The development of Arabic Prose and poetry in the 19th and 20th centuries in Tamil Nadu.
Chapter – V Conclusion.
Madyavirodikalku Rashtrapathiyude atharam
\yqUÂln: \mephÀjambn aZyhncp² kacw \bn¡p¶ ZenXv bphXnsbbpw kl{]hÀ¯Iscbpw cm{ã]Xn {]Xn`m ]m«n BZcn¨p. aZyhncp² {]hÀ¯\taJebn {]XnkÔnIÄ XcWw sNbvX lcnbm\bnse salµÀ PnÃbnepÅ tIm¯m JpÀZv {Kma¯nse kÀ]©v tcmjm\n tZhnbmWv cm{ã]XnbpsS AwKoImc¯n\p ]m{XambXv. ChcpsS kl{]hÀ¯Icmb Dj, Xr]vXn F¶nhscbpw {]Xn` A\ptamZn¨p. cm{ã]Xn Chsc jmfWnbn¨p. ss[cyhpw BßhnizmkhpamWv h\nXIÄ¡v {]hÀ¯\¯n\p klmbIambsX¶p cm{ã]Xn `h\n \S¶ NS§n {]Xn`m ]m«o ]dªp. AwKoImcw e`n¨Xn A`nam\n¡p¶psh¦nepw Xsâ kacw XpScpsa¶p {Kma¯nse BZy ZenXv kÀ]©v IqSnbmb tcmjm\n ]dªp. {Kma¯nse BZy ZenXv _ncpZ[mcnWn IqSnbmb tcmjm\n 2005se ]©mb¯v XncsªSp¸n aÂkcn¨ncp¶p. Xsâ FXncmfnIfmb H¼Xp ]pcpj³amscbpw ]n¶nem¡nbmWv ChÀ hnPbw \pWªXv. XncsªSp¸v {]NmcWw aZyhncp² {Kmasa¶Xneq¶nbmbncp¶p. Djbpw Xr]vXnbpw klmb¯ns\¯nbtXmsS {]NmcWw sImgp¯p. s]mXpØe¯v aZyw \ntcm[nt¡WvSXnsâ BhiyIX kv{XoIsf t_m[ys¸Sp¯n. AhcpsS \odp¶ {]iv\¯n\p ]cnlmcw ImWpsa¶v Dd¸p \ÂInbt¸mÄ {Kma¯nse h\nXIÄ Xt¶msSm¸w \n¡pIbmbncps¶¶v tcmjm\n tZhn A\ptamZ\¨S§n ]dªp. kÀ]©mb tijapÅ tcmjm\nbpsS BZy tbmKw D¶XPmXn¡mÀ Aet¦mes¸Sp¯n. Chsc \mep aWn¡qtdmfw apdnbneS¨ khÀWcpsS {][m\ Btcm]Ww, ZenXv bphXn¡v Cu Øm\¯ncn¡m³ Ignbnà F¶Xmbncp¶p. khÀWÀs¡Xntc t]menkn \ÂInb ]cmXn ]n³hen¡m³ {Kma¯nse apXnÀ¶hÀ \nÀ_Ôn¨Xns\¯pSÀ¶v tcmjm\n¡v A\pkcnt¡WvSnh¶p. F¶mÂ, {KmaoWcpambn tcmjm\n \nc´camb NÀ¨ \S¯pIbpw Ahscs¡mWvSv aZyjm¸pIÄ ASbv¡p¶Xn\v k½Xn¸n¡pIbpw sNbvXp. XpSÀ¶v tcmjm\n ]©mb¯v tbmK¯n aZy\ntcm[\ {]tabahXcn¸n¨p. {Kma¯n \ntcm[\w \nehn hs¶¦nepw Bhiy¡mÀ aäp {Kma§fn t]mbn aZyw Ign¡p¶psWvS¶pw ]qÀWamb \ntcm[\w {]bmkw \ndªXmsW¶pw tcmjm\n ]n¶n« hgnIÄ hnhcn¨psImWvSv ]dªp. Ct¸mÄ hoSpIÄ tXmdpw aZyhncp² Imw]bn³ \S¯p¶pWvSv. ]ckyambn aZy]n¡p¶hsc IWvSp]nSn¡m³ kv{XoIsf kwLSn¸n¨v ]t{SmfnMv \S¡p¶p. aäp {Kma§fnepw tcmjm\nbpsS ]mX ]n´pSÀ¶v kv{XoIÄ cwK¯p h¶pIgnªp. cWvSp Ip«nIfpw `À¯mhpaS§p¶ IpSpw_¯nsâ ]qÀW ]n´pWbnemWv tcmjm\nbpsS {]hÀ¯\w. kmaqlnI Xn³aIÄ CÃmbva sN¿m³ kÀ¡mcpIÄ sNehgn¡p¶ tImSn¡W¡n\p cq]tb¡mÄ hfsc D]Imc{]Zamb {]hÀ¯\amWv Cu amXrIm bphXnIÄ \S¯nbsX¶p cm{ã]Xn {]Xn`m ]m«o A`n{]mbs¸«p.
Kudiyanmarku Ethoru Thaakeeth
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Kudiyanmarku Ethoru Thaakeeth
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Islam and social reforms
Islam and social reforms
The traditional Ulama have always opposed social reforms calling that un-Islamic and they get full support or mobilize support from static Muslim society by quoting either certain selected Qur’anic verses or ahadith which may or may not be authentic. They also often declare reformer kafir or mulhid or nature i.e. not believing in Allah but in nature. Once such fatwas are issued the reformer faces total isolation from society and finds it extremely difficult to carry on his reform movement.
Sir Syed whose birth day falls on 17th October was one such great social reformer. He never touched on any religious doctrine but wanted Muslims to go for modern secular education so that gates of modern knowledge which was mostly available in English, could be opened to them. The Ulama opposed his movement for modern education and founding an institution of modern learning and issued fatwas against him and dubbed him as ‘kafir’, ‘Christan’ and ‘Yahudi’. One of them even traveled to
The question arises why such fierce opposition to social reforms which was, after all, for betterment of Muslim community in
Secondly, it is feared by priesthood and theologians as well as some socio-cultural leaders most as it challenges their leadership. The priests and theologians have had grip over the minds of people for long and they feel any change will throw up new social or theological leaders and they will loose out. Thus they begin to oppose any change to secure their own positions. And to legitimize their opposition they find religious reasons for that and try to quote from scriptures to impress the masses.
The Ulama in 19th century were highly apprehensive of English education as it would mean challenging the madrasa education and also their apprehension that Muslims will go a step nearer to Christianity. As Arabic education was considered one step towards Islam, English education was considered one step towards Christianity. There was one more reason for Ulama to oppose modern education.
The Ulama had held high positions in Mughal courts and functioned as qadis or religious judges. These qadis were being replaced by British judges and highly qualified Indians who had studied law. These created strong resentment among Ulama and they denounced English education which was taking away everything from them. Thus they had e3verything to fear and nothing to celebrate.
Muslim masses also supported them, firstly because they always recognize these Ulama as their religious leaders and men of great Islamic learning. Secondly, the whole Muslim society was static and decadent. Any change made them fearful and they rightly thought British people as their enemy who threatened their religious belief and political hegemony. The future was unknown and in the hands of foreign rulers.
Also, as pointed out before, change is feared by those who loose out and celebrated by those who gain every thing from it. Only very few generally side with reformers who have some idea of future prospects. Among Muslims in India Sur Syed began vigorous movement for modern education even before a new class of Muslims who could be beneficiary of English education could emerge.
Eventually of course that class emerged albeit slowly and that class subsequently became harbinger of change. Among these people a galaxy of intellectuals arose who are respected even today. Among them was Nawwab Muhsinul Mulk, Maulavi Chiragh Ali, Justice Amir Ali, Maulavi Mumtaz Ali Khan and several others. They developed new vision of life and laid foundation for better life for Muslims. Many of this new class of Muslims joined civil, police and other services and made name for themselves.
Today many Ulama are not only learning English but also trying to project Islam to non-Muslims in English language. What was thought to be language of kafirs has come to stay in Muslim world. Thus those who oppose change subsequently not only accept it but also becomes for them very means of survival. It is very unfortunate that our Ulama vehemently oppose everything new in the beginning and then accept it for their own survival. We often refuse to move with the times and then time forces us to move with it after paying the price for our refusal to change.
PUCL to file petition against Karnataka HC order in ‘love jihad’ case
Silja Raj (23), a civil engineering graduate, was asked to go with her parents despite her statement that she had converted to Islam on her on will and that she was waiting to get married to Ashkar as per the Special Marriages Act. Hearing the case, the court had reportedly said that the facts had ‘national ramifications concerning security, besides the question of unlawful trafficking of women’. The court had also asked the Karnataka DGP and IG to conduct investigation into the matter (including any role of ‘love jihad’) and to submit a report by November 13. The girl was asked to stay with her parents till that time.
The PUCL states that the since Silja is a major, no one has the right to thrust her back to the family. The organisation saw it ‘as part of a pattern of continued intimidation on the nasis of community and gender, first started in Dakshin Kannada’, said Ramadasa Rao of the PUCL.
The whole notion of ‘love jihad’ is a ‘figment of imagination’, said Mr Rao. He expressed his concern that the order would severely impact the rights of young men and women to free association and marriage. Silja Raj of Chamarajnagar in Karnataka and Ashkar of Kannur in Kerala fell in love when Silja’s family had been to Kerala. When parents were trying to arrange a marriage for her, Silja ran off to Kerala and married Ashkar. They registered their marriage reportedly on August 9. They had also reportedly informed Silja’s family that she was in Kerala with Ashkar. Silja, who had converted to Islam, was then admitted to a madrasa in Kottayam to learn the religion. Then, some people from Karnataka came searching for Silja but had to go without any trace of her. Silja had reportedly told her father in the presence of police officers that she was not willing to go back to
Silja’s father filed a habeas corpus in the Karnataka High Court on October 4. The recent court order has come while considering the habeas corpus. Nagraj Hegde, the lawyer of Silja’s father, had mentioned in the HC that in two similar cases in Kerala, the judge had asked the girls to go with their parents. The lawyer also presented copies of the Kerala HC order.
The Kerala state DGP had enquired into the matter of ‘love jihad’ as per the Kerala High Court order and submitted report on Thursday stating that there was no such organisation functioning in the state. Nor was there evidence for such movement anywhere in the country.
Sunday, October 25, 2009
Sunday, October 18, 2009
Saturday, October 17, 2009
Margao blast: four members of Hindu group held, two killed
Four persons from a right-wing Hindu group linked to 2008 Malegaon blast accused sadhvi Pragya Singh Thakur were detained today in connection with the explosion in Goa’s Margao town in which two members of the outfit were killed.
SP Atmaram Despande said the investigations so far showed IED was used in the blast and the two activists of Sanatan Sanstha who perished in the incident probably wanted to target the crowded Diwali-eve market.
He said charges of waging war against the state have been pressed against the deceased Melgunda Patil and Yogesh Naik, who were activists of the Sanstha, under the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act, 2008.
The blast had taken place at 9.30 last night when explosives kept in a scooter went off on a busy street in Margao, 30 km from here.
Home Minister Ravi Naik said the explosives may have got triggered before being planted at a designated spot.
“They wanted to disturb a traditional Diwali-eve event ’Narakasur’ effigy competition in the heart of the town as the blast took place only a few metres away from the competition venue,” he said.
Police raided Sanatan Sanstha headquarters at Ramnathi in Ponda town, 20 km from Margao, following the blast and four persons owing allegiance to the Sanstha were detained for questioning, SP Bosco George said.
Some Hindu right-wing groups came under scanner in Maharashtra after sadhvi Pragya, Lt Col S P Purohit and several other activists were arrested in connection with the Malegaon blast of September 2008.
Two of the detained persons have been identified as Suresh Naik, brother of Yogesh Naik, and Virendra Marathe, manager of the ashram where activities of the Sanstha are run.
Suresh Naik was the owner of the scooter in which the explosives were kept. He had bought the vehicle from the Sanstha’s disciple Nishad Bakle four years ago,” the SP said.
Meanwhile, the Sanstha denied the allegations against it terming them as “baseless“.
“Based on searches conducted at the ashram in Ramnathi, the institution is being portrayed as an accused in Margao blast. Media should not jump the gun and should wait for proper judicial process to get over,” it said in a statement.
“Sanatan will never encourage or support such activities in its ashram. The disciples have cooperated with the police during their search of the ashram on October 16 and will continue helping police in their job,” it said.
Within half an hour of yesterday’s explosion, bomb disposal squad detected and defused another bomb with an electric circuit, a clock, four gelatin sticks and a detonator at Sancoale, 20 km from the blast site.
“We have recovered mobile and other gadgets from the place where both of the Sanstha activists were staying,” Naik said, adding when the ashram was raided at Ramnathi last night, there were 250 people present in it, some from Maharashtra.
Terming the incident “very serious”, he said he has asked police to investigate without any “political interference“.
“There is every possibility of a political interference in the case. I have asked police to do their job as an independent authority,” he said, refusing to elaborate on the issue of “political interference”.